Fatema was one of the thousands of young protesters in Bangladesh. They took to the streets in 2024. They were like the young protesters in Nepal, who also brought down their government.

But nearly two years later, Bangladesh's youth movement has not gained much power. In the country's first election after the protests, the old Bangladesh Nationalist Party won a big majority. The new youth-led party did very badly.

This is very different from what happened in Nepal. Nepal had a historic election where a new party, the Rastriya Swatantra Party, won by a landslide. This sent many young politicians to parliament and made former rapper Shah the leader of Nepal.

Nepal's story is a rare success in Asia. Many countries in Asia have had youth protests, but none have resulted in young protesters gaining power like in Nepal.

Fatema said she felt disheartened when she saw how well the Nepalese youth organized themselves. She felt disappointed about the situation in her own country.

Bangladesh has not been able to bring about change like Nepal. It is disheartening to realize that they have not been able to organize and rebuild their country in the same way.

Why did the youth succeed in one country but fail in another?

Nepalese youth leaders say their victory was due to their movement's ability to connect with ordinary citizens.

The Gen Z protests in Nepal tapped into people's frustration with the way things were run. The sacrifices and voices of Gen Z stayed with the public and were not forgotten.

Consistency was also important. The youth kept raising their voices about accountability and justice, and this message reached far and wide. It stopped being just a reaction and started to feel like a genuine movement.

Analysts also point to Nepal's unique political landscape and the clever decisions made by the youth movement.

Nepal's electoral system is designed to favor coalition governments. No single party has ruled Nepal by majority in years.

The country had 14 governments in 17 years, with a few established parties and politicians taking turns to lead. The public was angry about corruption, and this anger was directed at the establishment.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party, a relatively new party, seemed more attractive because of this. The alliance between Balendra Shah and the RSP helped their success.

The RSP provided resources and a wide reach for an electoral campaign. The party overcame controversy by joining hands with Shah, a charismatic politician.

In South Asia, party organization is very important. A youth-led party would need to build a strong party structure to achieve electoral success.

Youth activist Purushottam Suprabhat Yadav was asked to join a new party after the Gen Z protests. He said no, because winning an election is not easy.

Yadav decided to join the RSP in December. He saw it as a credible alternative to the established parties, with a wide organizational network and many new faces.

This decision paid off, and Yadav was sworn into parliament as one of the RSP's lawmakers.

Kaul noted that winning elections requires long-term mobilizing work.

A movement driven by passion, frustration, or anger may challenge the status quo, but may not win elections.

In South Asia, traditional social norms and gender hierarchy often prevent youth movements from succeeding. But Nepal is a good example of success.

A youth movement will be more effective when internal divisions are minimal, and there are few established parties to hijack the movement's results.

Some analysts believe these factors were missing in Bangladesh's case.

The authoritarian Awami League dominated politics in Bangladesh for years. The second and third parties were seen as victims.

These parties touted themselves as reform-minded and associated closely with the youth movement. They were able to absorb and channel the energy of the protests.

The decision by the NCP to join a coalition led by the conservative Jamaat-e-Islami was disastrous. It alienated the party's core youth supporters, particularly women.

The NCP became more about political power than the Gen Z cause. It squandered its chance to appeal to more voters.

Timing mattered as well. The youth movement's momentum could have been lost in the one and a half year gap between Bangladesh's Gen Z protests and elections.

The Bangladesh protesters succeeded in moving the needle. The demonstrations reshaped national discourse, focusing on the need for reforms.

The new BNP government outlined a 31-point plan for structural reforms. But some remain skeptical.

The new government needs to focus more on improving job and economic opportunities for Bangladesh's youth.

A sense of disillusionment has settled in among Bangladesh's youth. Many are looking to leave for better work opportunities overseas.

The tendency among young people to look abroad has grown. Even those who once intended to remain in the country are no longer thinking that way.

With young people no longer seeing their future within the country, how will they find a place within the political landscape? It has become a major problem.

Some hope that the NCP will rejuvenate the youth movement by building on its small foothold in parliament and rehabilitating its image.

The party is fielding candidates for the upcoming local city elections without any coalition partner. This may help the party to be accepted more by the people.

If the NCP continues to stand with the people on the streets, fighting alongside them and upholding its promises, then it can achieve better outcomes in the future.

One goal remains clear for the young protesters of both Nepal and Bangladesh - they will not stop fighting for change.

The new Gen Z lawmakers of Nepal vow to hold their new government accountable to an electorate with huge expectations and hungry for change.

We are now entering parliament from the streets - our place has changed, but not our agenda.

Anti-corruption and an end to appointments on the basis of political affiliation and nepotism are our key demands. If we have to fight against our own party, we will do so.

If Bangladesh's new government does not uphold the results of the referendum, then we will, if necessary, return to the streets in protest.

This time they may not be alone. Those who are 10 years younger than us will eventually organize movements of their own.

The next phase of protests in Bangladesh will likely be led by Generation Alpha.