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Why Japanese Railways Win

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Why Japanese Railways Win

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0:00When conjuring up an image of Japan’s  ultra-successful passenger rail system,  
0:04one likely thinks of this: the Shinkansen. It’s a  fair association. This was, afterall, the world's  
0:10very first high-speed rail line—collapsing what  was a 6-hour journey between Japan’s two largest  
0:15cities into just three. Only getting faster  since its opening in 1964, and adding more  
0:21and more service to match demand, this route  ran an average of 372 trains a day in 2023,  
0:28shuttling 158 million passengers on the year.  Across six decades, the line’s total passenger  
0:34count sits north of 6.5 billion—all without a  single derailment, without any serious accident,  
0:40without even a single fatality. All of this  success opened the door for the Shinkansen  
0:45network to expand nation-wide. As it has grown,  this network’s become a point of national pride  
0:50and international envy—and yet, it only begins  to explain why Japanese passenger rail works so  
0:57singularly well. Annually, Japanese rails rank  next to the likes of India and China—two far  
1:03larger countries—in total ridership, and most  of the rail companies themselves manage to turn  
1:07healthy profits while keeping customers content  and services frequent. Much of this mileage  
1:12traveled and profit garnered is done on the backs  of trains moving at far more conventional speeds.  
1:18Take Japan’s southernmost major island,  Kyushu. Here, too, are important high speed  
1:23rail connections: JR West—a private entity whose  district of operation lies mostly on Honshu—runs  
1:29the San'yō Shinkansen connecting Kyushu’s largest  city with Osaka in just 2 hours and 28 minutes,  
1:34while JR Kyushu—the island’s main rail  operator—runs two additional Shinkansen  
1:39lines that connect most of the island’s major  cities in an hour and 16 minutes or less.  
1:44And while this island’s local Shinkansen are  lauded for much the same reason as the Tokaido  
1:48line, this only accounts for a fraction of the  trips made, stations serviced, and lines ran.  
1:53The JR Kyushu service map looks like this—in  addition to its two high speed rails,  
1:59it runs 8 main and 13 regional lines that serve  over 500 stops across the island. For a student  
2:04living somewhere around here, for instance, a  Shinkensen is just not an option if they need to  
2:09get to another university campus for a conference…  but another train is. From this station, they  
2:15could catch the higher speed Limited Express Sonic  starting at 6:25 AM and running every 20 minutes  
2:19and be in the heart of Fukuoka in just 22 minutes  for a $15 ticket. Or, if on a stricter budget,  
2:25they could opt for a 40-to-50-minute Local  Train along the Kagoshima line for only about  
2:30$5. But regardless of their choice of train, rail  simply makes the most sense—even the local will  
2:36be faster than navigating traffic and figuring out  parking, and unlike the uncertainties of driving,  
2:40the student should be confident the train will  be on time. Across JR Kyushu’s entire network,  
2:45average delays hover around a minute—and  should one occur, it’ll be posted here,  
2:49where the few odd-end hold ups are communicated.  And the student should be confident that it’s  
2:54going to be a decently full train, too. Whether  it’s daily commuters in similar situations,  
2:58or the flocks of tourists coming from  the north or abroad connecting onto the  
3:02island’s fleet of unique sightseeing travel  trains, this network moves a ton of people  
3:06at a fraction of the speed of a Shinkansen.     In all rail-related revenue for JR Kyushu in  
3:122023, the Shinkansen accounted for only about a  third. In total rail passengers, conventional rail  
3:18operated by the company carried passengers almost  four times the distance. And in that same year,  
3:23conventional rail on the island moved some  300 million passengers to the Shinkasen’s  
3:2812 million. The fact is, the success of Japanese  rail is punctuated by high speed options, but the  
3:34bedrock to its success is still run-of-the-mill  conventional passenger trains. Passenger works  
3:40here because the trains are trusted—they’re  safe and always on time; they’re so frequent  
3:44that the traveller doesn’t feel like they’re  sacrificing flexibility; and they offer so  
3:48many unique routings that no matter if it’s  a daily commute, a weekend trip to the city,  
3:52or a ski vacation to the north, taking the train  just makes the most sense. Being fast helps, but  
3:58this success has just as much to do with a culture  of rail as it does technological advancement.  
4:04Setting the stage for this culture to take root  is the fact that rail on the island nation does  
4:08have some geographical advantages. Because  of a rugged, mountainous topography, Japanese  
4:13population centers are focused and dense. Because  of its island geography, these urban areas are  
4:18distant from one another by European standards,  but not American or Australian ones—allowing for  
4:23earlier and easier rail connection between them.  With rail taking hold in the final years of the  
4:2819th century, expanding the network was associated  with industrializing and connecting the nation—so  
4:33as Japan prioritized growth in the beginning of  the 20th century, it did so on the back of the  
4:38rails. Yet, while freight and industry helped lay  the tracks, they really didn’t need them post-war.  
4:44As a country with limited raw natural exports and  ample port access to begin with, then increasingly  
4:49favorable conditions for trucking, passenger  rail since the mid-century has not really had  
4:54to compete with freight for line access.  But geography and timing aren’t solely  
4:58responsible for success. Japan, for  one, is a car country. In car exports,  
5:03Japan’s the third largest in the world. In car  ownership, it’s at 670 per one thousand people,  
5:09placing it comfortably in the world’s top thirty  near countries like Canada, France, and Norway. 
5:14And cars, it seemed, might spell the end of  passenger rail in Japan in the 1980s. Established  
5:20in 1949, Japanese National Railways, a state-run  enterprise, owned 80% of Japanese rail after World  
5:26War II, and was eager to expand in the post-war  period. It did so to the world’s marvel with the  
5:32launch of the Shinkansen in 1964. And yet, while  a massively successful addition to the network,  
5:381964 marked another first—the first year the  nationalized rail posted a loss. From there,  
5:45as car ownership rose, trucking companies  grew, and airlines expanded, things only got  
5:50worse. Millions of yen in losses quickly turned to  billions, then eventually, trillions. With failed  
5:57reforms ranging from network expansion to rate  hikes across the ‘60s and ‘70s,  rail’s share of  
6:02total passenger traffic dropped from north of 50%  to the mid-20s, while freight cratered from a 50%  
6:08share to 5%. Undeniably overstaffed, inflexible  in its strategy, and bloated in bureaucracy,  
6:15JNR’s spiral continued into the 1980s. Burdened by  a slowing national economy and a nationalized rail  
6:21system that’s debt had now reached 20 trillion  yen—a number comparable to the debt of entire  
6:25nations at the time—Japanese politicians were  now urged to take on bolder reform. Quietly,  
6:31the idea of privatizing the rails began  to bounce around subcommittees, then,  
6:36by the mid-‘80s, it seemed the only logical  option to halt the downward spiral.    
6:42The process of privatizing JNR was, more  than anything, a process of division. One  
6:48organization would become nine, and the idea  was that, while in sum they’d fulfill the same  
6:53function, the division between them would lead to  strength not found in their nationalized form.  
6:58The core of the network was divided between JR  West, JR Central, and JR East. More or less,  
7:03JR West would operate rail West of Nagoya, JR  Central would operate between Nagoya and Tokyo,  
7:08while JR East would operate within and  east of Tokyo. The logic of where to  
7:13place the borders was dictated, largely, by  traffic patterns. Planners believed that,  
7:17by defining the borders such that as much travel  as possible stayed within a company’s borders,  
7:22each company could specialize its operations  to best serve the unique needs and wants of  
7:26that region. For example, among other  things, JR Central could learn how to  
7:30best operate the super high-traffic Tokyo  to Osaka long-distance route, whereas JR  
7:34East could focus on how to operate Tokyo commuter  service most effectively. This map fulfilled that  
7:39goal well—upward of 95% of all passenger trips  stayed within each rail company’s territory.  
7:45Beyond that, another goal of the map was for  each of the companies to inherit a balance  
7:49of profitable and unprofitable lines. For  example, JR West would inherit the Kobe line,  
7:54relied upon by daily commuters to travel from  this highly-populated area to Osaka proper.  
7:59With tremendous passenger counts, this was also  tremendously profitable. But along with that,  
8:04it would inherit the Geibi line, running  through a sparsely-populated, mountainous  
8:07region of the Hiroshima prefecture. With operating  speeds often far slower than that of the bus,  
8:12its passenger counts were tiny, and therefore  it was deeply unprofitable. Japanese railways  
8:18can technically close down lines, but gaining  approval is a difficult and time-consuming  
8:22process that often isn’t worthwhile, so in  practice the companies would largely continue  
8:26to operate low-traffic lines using the profits  from high-traffic ones. But with these geographic  
8:31divisions, the benefits and burdens were shared  roughly equally between the three companies.  
8:36But then there was the crown jewel—both physically  and financially—of the Japan Rail network:  
8:42the famed bullet train, the Shinkansen. While  each of the three companies would inherit some  
8:47of the network, their portions certainly were not  created equal. JR Central would get the least—at  
8:53344 miles—but this stretch from Tokyo to Osaka  was the original Shinkansen, traveling between  
8:58the largest and second largest metro areas in the  country. Demand on the stretch was tremendous,  
9:04and so was profit. JR West inherited more  track—388 miles, but demand and profit in this  
9:10area was lower, whereas JR East got 519 miles of  track, but through the less-populated north of the  
9:16country where the Shinkansens struggled to achieve  strong financial returns. Therefore, at first, the  
9:21Shinkansen lines were the only not owned outright  by the JR companies and instead, they were placed  
9:26within a newly-formed entity called the Shinkansen  Holding company which would then lease the track  
9:31and associated infrastructure to the operators.  The fees for this would be calculated not based  
9:35on the capital cost of the infrastructure itself,  but rather proportionally to the profits of  
9:39the rail segments as a way of correcting for  the geographic imbalance in profit margins.  
9:44But this is not the entirety of Japan. This is  the entirety of Honshu, the main island of Japan.  
9:51There are three other major islands that make  up the country—Kyushu, Shikoku, and Hokkaido.  
9:56The profitable Shinkansen network did not yet  reach the islands—except for a small portion  
10:00of the Sanyo Shinkansen reaching Fukuoka—and  their lower population densities meant they  
10:05lacked as many profitable conventional lines  as well. So whereas JR West, Central, and East  
10:10were formed with the intention of quickly becoming  profitable, these three were treated differently.  
10:15Most notably, they’d receive a subsidy from the  government to offset their inevitable losses. 
10:20Also sliced off from JNR was their freight  business. Freight rail was never massive in Japan,  
10:26and it’d only decreased as the truck industry  grew and took market-share away. JNR’s freight  
10:31business therefore operated at a loss. It  also tended to operate over long-distance  
10:35spanning beyond the borders of the individual JR  companies, so they rather formed one, nationwide  
10:40freight company. That way, no one JR company would  be burdened with its losses, while JR freight  
10:45could reduce cost by not having to maintain  track, and rather just pay for track usage.  
10:50Finally, the last of the nine new companies  was called the JNR Settlement Corporation—it  
10:55acted as an umbrella company, owning all the  other companies, while it itself was owned by  
11:00the Japanese Government. This mattered, in part,  because of debt. There was a huge amount of it,  
11:06and just simply distributing it amongst the JR  companies themselves would leave them in the same,  
11:10struggling position as JNR. Therefore,  only a portion of the trillions of yen  
11:16in debt was transferred to the JRs, distributed  amongst JR West, Central, and East, whereas the  
11:21island JRs received none. Another substantial  portion went to the Shinkansen Holding Company,  
11:25roughly equivalent to the value of its assets,  then the vast majority of liabilities went to  
11:30the umbrella company—JNR Settlement Corporation.  The hope was that, through time, the value of the  
11:36JRs would increase, and therefore the eventual  sale of the companies could cover the debt.  
11:41JNR Settlement Corporation was owned and  controlled by the government, so ultimately  
11:44this meant that Japan’s railways weren't fully  privatized, at least at first. Rather, they were  
11:49divided into government-owned companies that  were intended to act as private companies would  
11:53and strive for profits. The state of the Japanese  railways was such that the newly-formed JRs would  
11:59hardly be attractive investment opportunities,  meaning the government would struggle to take  
12:02the fully-private at what they considered a  reasonable valuation. Rather, the thought was  
12:07that they needed to give time for the reforms to  take hold and improve the company’s prospects. But  
12:12more practically, the manner of full privatization  chosen was to list the JR companies on the Tokyo  
12:18Stock Exchange, and there are certain requirements  that need to be met for listing such as pre-tax  
12:22profits in the period immediately before listing  needing to be more than 40% of paid-in capital.  
12:27Crucially, though, the Tokyo Stock Exchange would  only list companies at least five years old,  
12:32and the JR companies were brand new.  Of course, in order for this grand plan to  
12:37work—for the railways to become self-sufficient,  for the government to be freed of its debt,  
12:41for Japan’s rails to improve their service—the  JRs had to genuinely, effectively reform. And  
12:48they certainly did. Bureaucratic bloat was quickly  fixed. 90,000 redundant employees were removed,  
12:54largely through transfer offers to other jobs  in the public and private sectors. Prior to  
12:58privatization, there was one employee for every  311,000 miles or 510,000 kilometers travelled by  
13:05passengers. After, it was up to 897,000 miles  or 1,443,000 kilometers. And despite the cuts  
13:13in headcount, service actually improved—the  frequency of service, on average, increased;  
13:18serious accidents halved; and improvements were  made to stations and rolling stock. Financially,  
13:24things improved too—the revenue to cost  ratio went from 0.771 to 1.167 meaning,  
13:30on average, the train companies were earning  an operating profit, thanks to a combination  
13:33of cost reductions and revenue increases.  And this wasn’t thanks to heavy government  
13:37subsidies—subsidies were far lower, overall, than  prior to privatization—nor was it thanks to fare  
13:42increases—the rate of increase actually slowed  significantly relative to prior to privatization.  
13:48Perhaps the primary confounding variable was the  fact that Japan’s economy was in a boom throughout  
13:52much of the period immediately post-privatization,  so there was plenty of demand for rail travel.  
13:57But all-in-all, the process worked—so much so  that, as soon as JR West, Central, and East  
14:03hit the required five-year mark, they began the  process of listing on the Tokyo Stock Exchange.  
14:07Through the sale of shares, the JNR Settlement  Corporation generated revenue that was used to pay  
14:12down its debt, while the JRs were also profitable  enough to start buying the Shinkansen network from  
14:16the Shinkansen Holding Company, further generating  revenue for the Settlement Corporation.  
14:20But beyond the reforms on the rails and in company  structures, there was another crucial change that  
14:25allowed the JR companies to flourish. Prior to  privatization, Japan’s national railway really  
14:30stuck to the rail business, itself. But other,  private rail operators in Japan were finding  
14:35profits in a different business: real estate.  Long before privatization, smaller private rail  
14:41operators were pioneering a technique of using  rail to grow the value of land and property.  
14:47Basically, the better an area’s rail access, the  higher its property value. In Tokyo, privately  
14:52held Tokyu Corporation started developing commuter  lines in the 1920s. This is Jiyūgaoka, nicknamed  
14:58“little Europe” or “Liberty Hill.” To get there,  a person hops on a Tokyu Corporation-owned Tokyo  
15:03Railways train from Shibuya Station. The entire  ride lasts 11 minutes and costs just 181 Yen,  
15:08or $1.25, delivering riders to one of Tokyo’s  more charming neighborhoods—it’s a high-density,  
15:14mixed-use, pedestrian-friendly development  with European style architecture and private  
15:18schools. Parts of the development around  the station, like this and this, are all  
15:22owned and developed by Tokyu Corporation.  This approach—to leverage real estate around  
15:27stations and invest in retail and hospitality,  was likely born from some necessity and not  
15:32just ingenuity thanks to the country’s Railroad  Nationalization Act, which nationalized 17 of  
15:37the country’s 37 private railways from 1906  to 1907, when it was enacted. Part of its  
15:42limitations restricted private railways from  directly competing with government lines, so  
15:46the private operators pivoted and looked to real  estate and diversified assets in order to create  
15:50revenue when building new rails. But it turns out  that that technique worked tremendously well.  
15:56So much so that the JRs adopted it following  privatization in 1987. This happened all over the  
16:02country. It happened with JR Kyushu, which quickly  launched a fast food division, retail operations,  
16:06and a country club. It happened here, with JR  East, which owns the Gala Yuzawa Ski Resort as  
16:12well as the trainline that services it—dropping  riders into a station that’s part of the resort’s  
16:16main building. And it happened here, where these  are just one chain of hotels that JR West owns  
16:21across its network. All around the country, the  JR companies have been able to find plenty of  
16:26opportunities to capitalize on the real-estate  long-owned by the railroad, but long-ignored.  
16:31In the case of JR West, for example, about 20%  of their revenue now comes from the real-estate  
16:36business, allowing for diversified income-streams  in a traditionally concentrated sector.  
16:41Japan’s railways have a recipe for success:  the structural reforms created companies  
16:46capable of turning a profit; the real-estate  businesses made that profit diversified;  
16:50and the network these companies inherited  was such that they could run fast, frequent,  
16:54reliable service at an affordable cost.  But it didn’t turn out to be a one-size-fits-all  
16:59solution. JR Kyushu listed on the Tokyo Stock  Exchange in 2016, becoming the first of the  
17:04island JRs to do so, but JR Shikoku and Hokkaido  still lag far behind. JR Hokkaido struggles  
17:10most—subsidies account for almost half of its  revenue. The population of the region is declining  
17:16and ridership is decreasing as people opt for  cars. As a result, train frequency is going down,  
17:21creating a vicious cycle. At one point in 2019, JR  Hokkaido enlisted Tokyu Corporation—with obvious  
17:27interests to develop rail in the region thanks  to their ski industry investments—to partner on  
17:31increasing service and adding a luxury train  service to the island but so far it’s only  
17:36manifested in a sporadic sightseeing operation.  There are plans to extend the Hokkaido Shinkansen  
17:40to Sapporo, which would likely help boost revenue  for the company. Construction is underway but even  
17:45this project has been stalled and delayed  until 2031 because of construction issues. 
17:50Of course, rail is not necessarily intended  to turn a profit, just like highways are not  
17:55necessarily intended to turn a profit, and even  the JR companies that do do so on the backs up  
18:00massive, but perhaps less obvious government  subsidies. While the dream was for the sale of  
18:05the JR companies and Shinkansen infrastructure  to pay down the JNR debt and liabilities,  
18:09that never panned out. Ultimately, the Japanese  government, and by extension taxpayers,  
18:14paid off about $200 billion in liabilities  following the dissolution of the JNR settlement  
18:19corporation. It’s, at least in part, thanks  to this that four of the JR companies could  
18:24become stand-alone, self-sufficient businesses.  Rail privatization experiments around the world  
18:28have had a spotty history: Japan’s is considered  highly successful, but then there are countries  
18:33like the UK or Argentina where the results are,  at best, controversial. So it’s tough to attribute  
18:39too much of the success to the very fact that  the companies are privatized. More so, it’s  
18:44the particular structure of privatization that  seemed to work. Regionalization in operations,  
18:49strict government oversight, and a competitive  marketplace combined to create a situation in  
18:53which, at least now, Japanese railways are largely  a self-sufficient, highly-effective service.  
18:59Of course, what makes Japanese railways great  goes far beyond their corporate structure.  
19:04They’re fast, frequent, and reliable, but that’s  part of a virtuous cycle enabled by the success  
19:10of the companies. The fact that they are fast,  frequent, and reliable is made possible thanks  
19:14to the success of the companies, and the success  of the companies is made possible thanks to the  
19:18fact that they’re fast, frequent and reliable. So  if you trace this back to its origin, what truly  
19:23made Japanese rail great was the fact that the  Japanese government, and by extension taxpayers,  
19:28was willing to invest a tremendous amount of money  into kicking off this virtuous cycle—into building  
19:33a railway network that would go on to grow Japan’s  economy and society for generations to come.  
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